Although the syllabus originally indicated a full essay on Civil Disobedience, that was a misprint. As sch, we have officially completely the course. If you did not respond to the reading in the final week, be sure to do that now. It's been a pleasure having you in class. The final grades will be complete in a day or so and in the system shortly thereafter.
Keep writing!
Dr. S
Monday, May 15, 2017
Monday, May 8, 2017
LAST BLOGGING WEEK OF THE SEMESTER BLOG ENTRY
There is a generation in this country that says, "I remember where I was when JFK was shot." A newer generation says, "I remember where I was when 9/11 happened." Probably, baseball fans will say, "I remember where I was when the Cubs won the World Series."
Why do we remember some events more vividly than others?
Do you have a memory that feels almost etched in your brain?
Why do we remember some events more vividly than others?
Do you have a memory that feels almost etched in your brain?
LAST BLOGGING WEEK OF THE SEMESTER
Excerpts From “Civil Disobedience”
- Henry David Thoreau
(1849) (originally entitled: Resistance to Civil Government)
I heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least"; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe— "That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. This American government— what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it. Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?— in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislation? Why has every man a conscience, then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others— as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders— serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few— as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men— serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be "clay," and "stop a hole to keep the wind away," but leave that office to his dust at least: "I am too high-born to be propertied, To be a secondary at control, Or useful serving-man and instrument To any sovereign state throughout the world." [William Shakespeare King John] How does it become a man to behave toward this American government today? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave's government also. All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such was the case, they think, in the Revolution Of '75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them. All machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more urgent is the fact that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army. All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels? As for adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and if they should not bear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case the State has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil. I meet this American government, or its representative, the State government, directly, and face to face, once a year— no more— in the person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name— if ten honest men only— ay, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done forever. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, "But what shall I do?" my answer is, "If you really wish to do anything, resign your office." I have paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax.
I heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least"; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe— "That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. This American government— what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it. Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?— in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislation? Why has every man a conscience, then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others— as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders— serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few— as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men— serve the state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be "clay," and "stop a hole to keep the wind away," but leave that office to his dust at least: "I am too high-born to be propertied, To be a secondary at control, Or useful serving-man and instrument To any sovereign state throughout the world." [William Shakespeare King John] How does it become a man to behave toward this American government today? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave's government also. All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such was the case, they think, in the Revolution Of '75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them. All machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counterbalance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more urgent is the fact that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army. All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels? As for adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and if they should not bear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case the State has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil. I meet this American government, or its representative, the State government, directly, and face to face, once a year— no more— in the person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name— if ten honest men only— ay, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done forever. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, "But what shall I do?" my answer is, "If you really wish to do anything, resign your office." I have paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax.
LAST BLOGGING WEEK OF THE SEMESTER WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
This week, answer two questions:
In Thoreau's opinion, what is the proper response when a government acts unjustly?
In your opinion, what is the proper response when a government acts unjustly?
In Thoreau's opinion, what is the proper response when a government acts unjustly?
In your opinion, what is the proper response when a government acts unjustly?
Sunday, April 30, 2017
WEEK FOURTEEN BLOG ENTRY
A famous teacher once uttered the following phrase: "All college students should have four years of the same general classes so that our citizens have the same basic foundation on which to build free peoples. Most job training cannot happen in college anyway, so why not build well rounded, educated people and let the job training happen after college. There should be no major--only general ed!"
A brilliant colleague responded, "That's ridiculous. We offer general education for our youth from kindergarten through the twelfth grade. That is enough! College should only be about learning in a particular discipline or field. There should be NO GENERAL education! All four years (or more) should be spent studying in the field in which the student will work!"
With whom do you agree? (should there be all general education or no general education?)
A brilliant colleague responded, "That's ridiculous. We offer general education for our youth from kindergarten through the twelfth grade. That is enough! College should only be about learning in a particular discipline or field. There should be NO GENERAL education! All four years (or more) should be spent studying in the field in which the student will work!"
With whom do you agree? (should there be all general education or no general education?)
WEEK FOURTEEN WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
Yes, write about what you are reading...but not here. Just work on your essay.
Thursday, April 27, 2017
ESSAY ASSIGNMENT...THE TIPPING POINT
DUE DATE: MAY 8th
For the next couple of weeks, we
will be reading through the book The Tipping Point, by Malcolm Gladwell.
As you read through the book, look
for examples that will help you build a thoughtful response to this
question: How might one or more of the ideas in the book The
Tipping Point apply to your chosen major or profession(or a deep
interest of yours)?
To give you a couple of examples, in
nursing there might be a new treatment protocol or a new drug that has
"tipped." In education, new theories of differentiated
instruction have emerged while theories of multiple intelligences have
"tipped" and now waned. If you are interested in soccer, goal line
technology seems on the verge of "tipping." In engineering, there are
probably technological issues related to fracking that could be related to
these themes.
For any of those, you would relate
the ideas from the book to the ideas from your major or interest.
WARNING: Avoid writing about social
media. Many bad essays have been written on cell phones, facebook, twitter,
etc. I know these are of interest and do dominate our lives, but don't take the
easy way out.
Tuesday, April 25, 2017
WEEK THIRTEEN BLOG ENTRY
Some buildings don't have a 13th floor. Is the number 13 unlucky? Do you believe in luck?
WEEK THIRTEEN WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
So, now that you have started to read this book, what do you think? What is one compelling idea you noticed?
Monday, April 17, 2017
FACE TO FACE MEETING THIS SATURDAY FROM 9-11 IN WSL 014
As a reminder, you must write one essay in person. We had one opportunity for this earlier in the semester and this Saturday is the other opportunity. YOU ONLY HAVE TO MEET ONCE!
This Saturday, those who did not already write the in class essay will meet with me in the library computer lab, WSL 014, from 9-11. It will be a great time!
See you there and then!
This Saturday, those who did not already write the in class essay will meet with me in the library computer lab, WSL 014, from 9-11. It will be a great time!
See you there and then!
WEEK TWELVE BLOG ENTRY
This week, you should focus on getting your hands on the next book we will read, The Tipping Point by Malcolm Gladwell. You can get any version or edition or format of the book.
Here is an online version:
https://istihbaratsahasi.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/the-tipping-point.pdf
You do not need to read it yet, but just start to browse around a bit.
BLOG ENTRY FOR WEEK TWELVE
Why do certain products, videos, or trends go "viral" while others simply go nowhere? Apparently, the most watched youtube video of all time is Enrique Iglesias' hit "Bailando," from 2014. It has 1.65 BILLION views. What makes a certain product, video, or trend go viral?
(PS Look at that, another search says the most all time hits on youtube is Gangham Style, with 2.81 BILLION hits...they just keep going!)
...Iglesias info from https://www.google.com/webhp?sourceid=chrome-instant&ion=1&espv=2&ie=UTF-8#q=most+watched+video+on+youtube+of+all+time
...Gangham info from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_most_viewed_YouTube_videos
Here is an online version:
https://istihbaratsahasi.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/the-tipping-point.pdf
You do not need to read it yet, but just start to browse around a bit.
BLOG ENTRY FOR WEEK TWELVE
Why do certain products, videos, or trends go "viral" while others simply go nowhere? Apparently, the most watched youtube video of all time is Enrique Iglesias' hit "Bailando," from 2014. It has 1.65 BILLION views. What makes a certain product, video, or trend go viral?
(PS Look at that, another search says the most all time hits on youtube is Gangham Style, with 2.81 BILLION hits...they just keep going!)
...Iglesias info from https://www.google.com/webhp?sourceid=chrome-instant&ion=1&espv=2&ie=UTF-8#q=most+watched+video+on+youtube+of+all+time
...Gangham info from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_most_viewed_YouTube_videos
WEEK TWELVE READING
THE TIPPING POINT EXCERPT
"When we say that a handful of East Village kids started the Hush Puppies epidemic, or that the scattering of the residents of a few housing projects was sufficient to start Baltimore's syphilis epidemic, what we are really saying is that in a given process or system some people matter more than others. This is not, on the face of it, a particularly radical notion. Economists often talk about the 80/20 Principle, which is the idea that in any situation roughly 80 percent of the 'work' will be done by 20 percent of the participants. In most societies, 20 percent of criminals commit 80 percent of crimes. Twenty percent of motorists cause 80 percent of all accidents. Twenty percent of beer drinkers drink 80 percent of all beer. When it comes to epidemics, though, this disproportionality becomes even more extreme: a tiny percentage of people do the majority of the work."
-- from the first chapter of 'The Tipping Point'
"When we say that a handful of East Village kids started the Hush Puppies epidemic, or that the scattering of the residents of a few housing projects was sufficient to start Baltimore's syphilis epidemic, what we are really saying is that in a given process or system some people matter more than others. This is not, on the face of it, a particularly radical notion. Economists often talk about the 80/20 Principle, which is the idea that in any situation roughly 80 percent of the 'work' will be done by 20 percent of the participants. In most societies, 20 percent of criminals commit 80 percent of crimes. Twenty percent of motorists cause 80 percent of all accidents. Twenty percent of beer drinkers drink 80 percent of all beer. When it comes to epidemics, though, this disproportionality becomes even more extreme: a tiny percentage of people do the majority of the work."
-- from the first chapter of 'The Tipping Point'
WEEK TWELVE WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
Just from that excerpt, what do you think this book is going to be about?
Monday, April 10, 2017
Monday, April 3, 2017
TC BOYLE ESSAYS SENT YOUR WAY...
Those TC Boyle essays should have already been sent to your email. If you turned it in but did not get one from me, let me know at bschmoll@csub.edu.
WEEK ELEVEN
What is your first memory of school? I recall being pushed on the swing by my mother at Longfellow elementary, the one on Union Ave (east side!) and then I turned around and my mother was gone--sad face. But I remember something from preschool also, so that may not be my earliest school memory. What are your first and most indelible early school memories? Did those first impressions of school stay with you or did you change your thinking about school at some point? Did you have a teacher who made you hate/love school?
WEEK ELEVEN READING--OKAY, WATCHING AGAIN
Watch this Ted Talk on schools and creativity--it is a well known Ted talk.
https://www.ted.com/talks/ken_robinson_says_schools_kill_creativity
https://www.ted.com/talks/ken_robinson_says_schools_kill_creativity
WEEK ELEVEN WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
This has become a famous Ted talk...is he correct? Do schools kill creativity? What has been your experience with this?
Tuesday, March 28, 2017
WEEK TEN BLOG ENTRY
I am shocked that we are in week ten. I waited to post this since we have that Tuesday night paper deadline--I look forward to reading those!
NO BLOG ENTRY THIS WEEK!
This week, just go do the "WEEK TEN READING" and then respond to the WEEK TEN WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ. Basically, it will ask if you are in control of your own decisions.
NO BLOG ENTRY THIS WEEK!
This week, just go do the "WEEK TEN READING" and then respond to the WEEK TEN WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ. Basically, it will ask if you are in control of your own decisions.
WEEK TEN READING (WATCHING, ACTUALLY)
Watch this video about decision-making:
https://www.ted.com/talks/dan_ariely_asks_are_we_in_control_of_our_own_decisions#t-29052
If it does not open with a click, just copy and paste the url into a browser.
https://www.ted.com/talks/dan_ariely_asks_are_we_in_control_of_our_own_decisions#t-29052
If it does not open with a click, just copy and paste the url into a browser.
Sunday, March 19, 2017
Tortilla Curtain Assignment
The novel Tortilla
Curtain contains a variety of fascinating themes. I hope that you enjoyed
reading the book. Now, you have the opportunity to write a formal and fabulous
essay on the book. You may use other sources, but your main source should be
the book itself.
This should be roughly 3 pages, typed, double spaced. We
will turn the essay into turnitin.com
The due date is March 28. Be sure to ask questions as you
write.
Here are the possible topics. YOU WILL WRITE ON ONE OF THESE. If you have another topic in
mind, by all means let me know and we can discuss it.
1.
What do walls signify in the Tortilla Curtain? Do they separate? Keep
people in? Keep animals out? Help maintain identity? Give false security? What
do walls signify? (and yes, you can user the present on this one)
2.
Animals are crucial to understanding the Tortilla Curtain. How does the author
utilize animals in this book? Choose a few examples and discuss what they
signify.
3.
Xenophobia is the fear and hatred of outsiders.
Is the Tortilla Curtain about
xenophobia? Why or why not? What is the problem of a nation being overly
xenophobic? What is the solution to xenophobia, in this book and in the broader
world today?
4.
The historian James Truslow Adams wrote,
"The American Dream is that
dream of a land in which life
should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each
according to ability or achievement." Considering the Tortilla Curtain, is the American Dream still alive?
WEEK NINE BLOG ENTRY
Share one quote from the Tortilla Curtain that interested you. Why did you choose that one?
WEEK NINE READING
Explore this site related to the book we read:
https://tcboyletortillacurtain.wordpress.com/
Just read around a bit. It has some nice details.
https://tcboyletortillacurtain.wordpress.com/
Just read around a bit. It has some nice details.
WEEK NINE WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
START YOUR ESSAY THIS WEEK...HERE IS THE QUESTION...
The novel Tortilla
Curtain contains a variety of fascinating themes. I hope that you enjoyed
reading the book. Now, you have the opportunity to write a formal and fabulous
essay on the book. You may use other sources, but your main source should be
the book itself.
This should be roughly 3 pages, typed, double spaced. We
will turn the essay into turnitin.com
The due date is March 28. Be sure to ask questions as you
write.
Here are the possible topics. If you have another topic in
mind, by all means let me know and we can discuss it.
1.
What do walls signify in the Tortilla Curtain? Do they separate? Keep
people in? Keep animals out? Help maintain identity? Give false security? What
do walls signify? (and yes, you can user the present on this one)
2.
Animals are crucial to understanding the Tortilla Curtain. How does the author
utilize animals in this book? Choose a few examples and discuss what they
signify.
3.
Xenophobia is the fear and hatred of outsiders. Is
the Tortilla Curtain about
xenophobia? Why or why not? What is the problem of a nation being overly
xenophobic? What is the solution to xenophobia, in this book and in the broader
world today?
4.
The historian James Truslow Adams wrote,
"The American Dream is that
dream of a land in which life
should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each
according to ability or achievement." Considering the Tortilla Curtain, is the American Dream still alive?
Sunday, March 12, 2017
WEEK EIGHT BLOG ENTRY
Great meeting those of you who were there on Saturday. I look forward to seeing the rest of you on April 22.
This week, I want you to imagine that you could switch places with anyone in the world of fact or fiction--for one year you will live as that person. Fact or fiction! Past, present, or future. You could choose to be anyone from Edgar Allen Poe to Professor Snape, Einstein to Frida Kahlo, the Prophet Abraham to Winnie the Pooh.
The only catch is that you have justify your choice. Why did you choose to become that person(or animal, I suppose)?
This week, I want you to imagine that you could switch places with anyone in the world of fact or fiction--for one year you will live as that person. Fact or fiction! Past, present, or future. You could choose to be anyone from Edgar Allen Poe to Professor Snape, Einstein to Frida Kahlo, the Prophet Abraham to Winnie the Pooh.
The only catch is that you have justify your choice. Why did you choose to become that person(or animal, I suppose)?
WEEK EIGHT WRITING ABOUT WHAT YOU READ
Don't write anything here this week--just keep reading Tortilla Curtain.
YOU MUST HAVE THE BOOK FINISHED BY SATURDAY OF THIS WEEK.
YOU MUST HAVE THE BOOK FINISHED BY SATURDAY OF THIS WEEK.
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